Ekrem İmamoğlu, the mayor of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IBB) and the CHP's likely presidential candidate, and his colleagues are accused of establishing, managing and joining a criminal organisation, extortion, bribery, qualified fraud, bid-rigging, collaboration with terrorism under the name of Urban Consensus, and the list goes on.

106 people who have not yet been interrogated are being judged with great appetite by the partisan media, programmes and guests with sticks in their hands. There is also an excuse for this spectacle: the presumption of innocence. Everyone is innocent until proven guilty. But... everyone can be convicted, no one has privileges. This presumption is like an overdose of sedatives to prevent the public from questioning the mass arrests and to fit the political into the legal package.

Despite the partial state of emergency in Istanbul and the ban on demonstrations, the people did not leave the streets empty. Protests were organised not only in Istanbul but almost everywhere. The barricades that the Istanbul University students overcame to reach Saraçhane, the protests of the Middle East Technical University (METU) students that lasted all night, the spontaneous protests on Marmaray trains, the demonstrations in the neighbourhoods, the demonstrations of the women with pots and pans from their homes and the slogan "There is no salvation, only one or all together or none of us" under pepper spray of the police in Muğla filled the fields and areas. Large and small parties in parliament, bar associations and professional organisations condemned the arrests. Not only were they condemned, but the government's intentions were revealed one by one.

A part of the nation, which President Erdoğan, who said "there are those who confuse the nation with the opposition", tried to belittle and encircle, showed that it would not kneel in fear before the "decision".

When İmamoğlu's diploma was first burned and then arrested a day later, it was calculated that the CHP, which delayed for a while with "softening", "meeting", "reconciliation", giving the "yellow ox" several times and making moves such as "it is against the constitution, but once is nothing", would be able to pass over the arrests with a few statements; and that the DEM Party would remain in the inaction bracket in order not to risk the uncertain "trial". The street broke both the violence and the coercion of the government. And this despite the arrest of journalist İsmail Saymaz on the pretext of his tweets from 13 years ago and the message that a Gezi-like uprising would not be left unchallenged. The streets were filled with slogans that this is only the beginning.

It is now well known that the method of the palace power, which is keen on the science of sociology, is to advance step by step by taking the pulse of the public. If the process, which started with the arrest of IBB, continues with the arrest of Erdoğan's strongest and most popular rival and the appointment of trustees to the municipality, the measure will be the number of pulses in the public. The reflex, which was tried to be dulled by creating a shock with the confiscation of diplomas and another shock with the arrests, warned of a pre-accumulated reaction in the public. The coming period will be determined by the relationship between the level of this reaction and the government's intentions. The street has once again become the laboratory of politics.

On the other hand, the export sector, which has been clamouring for the dollar to rise to 40 liras for the past year, probably rejoiced because they thought that democracy for them was closely linked to the flotation of the lira. The workers, pensioners and labourers, on the other hand, suffered losses in their wages and salaries when the dollar skyrocketed. When they demanded their rights, their strikes were banned, their tweets persecuted, squares emptied and prisons filled.

While it is obvious that the companies that are close to the ruling party have entered the world lists in terms of wealth, tax evasion, unquestioned extortion, corruption and bid rigging by the AKP municipalities, they are not only reacting to the fact that these have become the main topics of the accusation of the mayor elected by millions of people. They are also reacting against an order that ties the hands of the "nation" and at the same time feeds on what is missing from the people's table.

The masses, who have made it a question of dignity that the right to vote and to be elected can be so easily abolished by neutralising the opponent, have both seen that there may be nothing to be gained by waiting in this process. They also found the strength to protect what they currently have and to claim what has been taken from them. After İmamoğlu's diploma was cancelled with the approval of the rector, the IU youth took their fight for their academic and democratic rights to Saraçhane with banners that read 'University does not obey'.

The palace will read this sociology over and over again.