20 August 2020 07:53
We spoke to Prof. Dr. Mesut Yeğen about politics, elections and their relationship with the Kurdish issue: A programme whose sole aim is ditching Erdoğan may not enthuse the Kurdish citizenry sufficiently to get 51 per cent.
Prof. Dr. Mesut Yeğen | Photograph: Evrensel
The Kurdish issue maintains its place on the agenda. Prof. Dr. Mesut Yeğen, who has done important work on the Kurdish issue, stated that the Kurdish issue is being discussed in terms of “voters and votes” and spoke of the need to find and field a presidential candidate capable of garnering 51 per cent of the vote against Erdoğan for a return to democracy in Turkey. Saying, “This is only possible with the partnership of the CHP, Good Party, HDP and those splintering from the AKP around a candidate and programme,” Yeğen stressed the importance of support by Kurdish voters to this end. Noting that the Kurdish issue had been turned into a vote-gathering tool, Yeğen said, “However, it is also evidently impossible to achieve a better ambiance in the Kurdish issue without ditching the People’s Alliance.”
Yeğen cautioned as follows: “The joint programme that will be formulated to garner the votes of Kurds for a joint candidate must hint at a more liberal perspective in the Kurdish issue. It would be overly optimistic to expect the enthusiastic support of Kurds for a joint candidate without hints of this kind and perhaps more. A programme whose sole aim is ditching Erdoğan may not enthuse the Kurdish citizenry sufficiently to get 51 per cent.”
Prof. Dr. Mesut Yeğen replied to Evrensel’s questions.
Congress has seen the re-emergence of discussion around the Kurdish issue in the CHP. What is your take on both this discussion and the criticism of the CHP’s policies at the congress?
To enable it to firmly entrench the half-baked but highly inflamed discussion surrounding the Kurdish issue currently underway in the CHP, background information is needed regarding the Kılıçdaroğlu-led CHP’s view of the Kurdish issue. It is known that the CHP positioned itself rather sceptically on the Kurdish issue during the solution process and remained silent with occasional participation over the policy of oppression deemed fit for HDP people after 2016, but, nevertheless, started to show that it would deal with the Kurdish issue under a more liberal perspective after 2016 and, in making a concealed alliance with the HDP in the 2019 local elections, displayed a perception of the Kurds as one of the major allies of the struggle for democracy. In other words, the Kılıçdaroğlu-led CHP, having at one time distanced itself from the Kurdish issue and Kurds’ representatives, stepped up its interest in the Kurdish issue and the HDP from 2018 onwards.
Hence, this criticism made from a libertarian perspective during and surrounding the congress was directed at a CHP leadership that had actually begun to adopt a more flexible stance compared to its previous one on the Kurdish issue and it appears somewhat odd on this account. In that criticism not made at times when the CHP did not appear particularly libertarian on the Kurdish issue is being made at a time when the CHP has taken a fresh stance on the issue. And this is with plenty of Kurdish citizens, HDP supporters or not, having supported the CHP, despite its stance that fell short on the Kurdish issue and did not perceive the HDP to be an open ally, in the local elections and seeming likely to say, “Yes” to a coalition including the CHP in future elections. This situation points to something peculiar being afoot.
“KURDS STAND IN ALIGNMENT WITH THE BROAD ALLIANCE POLICY”
So, where does the peculiarity spring from?
The peculiarity basically springs from there being two, neither particularly strong, opponents in the CHP to the present CHP leadership’s policy of defeating the People’s Alliance and Erdoğan with a large coalition including conservatives who have splintered from the Ak Party: a crowd of neo-nationalists represented by İnce and a trace amount of “leftists” represented by Cihaner. Neither group is satisfied with the CHP leadership’s broad alliance policy I have mentioned and they are also trying to influence the Kurdish citizenry as they vent this dissatisfaction. But, the predicament for both groups is that a significant portion of Kurdish citizens, not least HDP supporters, stand in alignment with the broad alliance policy Kılıçdaroğlu is brokering. As such, there is no chance of the criticism directed at the Kılıçdaroğlu leadership, be it that relating to the Kurdish issue or that addressing the broad alliance policy in general, courting interest from the Kurdish citizenry. After all, the critics of the CHP leadership have no proposals as to how the People’s Alliance can be ditched without a broad alliance policy.
In fact, not just Kurds, but a large portion of the CHP crowd know that a more “Kemalist” or more “left” CHP will not get more votes than now and the way to ditch the People’s Alliance does not involve “Kemalizing” or “leftening” the CHP. The success in the 2019 local elections has shown everyone the compass for ditching the People’s Alliance. Consequently, the criticism made at the congress should not be expected to produce huge results by itself. However, İnce’s sally may result in opening the way for İmamoğlu whose chances are in any case high, this is also clear.
What is your take on discussion of the Kurdish issue mainly in terms of “voters and votes”?
It is true that a situation of this nature prevails. But, it must be accepted that there is a blunt truth that everyone who wants Turkey to return to democracy, Kurds included, see: there is a need to find and field a presidential candidate capable of garnering 51 per cent of the vote against Erdoğan to be able to return to democracy and this is only possible with the partnership of the CHP, Good Party, HDP and those splintering from the AKP around a candidate and programme. So, yes, a degree of the interest devoted to the Kurdish issue has to do with counting their number. Absent the support of Kurdish voters, the alternative presidential candidate to Erdoğan cannot win. This is how the arithmetic stacks up. This kind of arithmetic also leads to the Kurdish issue being turned into a vote-gathering tool, this is true. However, it is also evidently impossible to achieve a better ambiance in the Kurdish issue without ditching the People’s Alliance.
On the other hand, the following consideration must be taken on board. The joint programme that will be formulated to garner the votes of Kurds for a joint candidate must hint at a more liberal perspective in the Kurdish issue. It would be overly optimistic to expect the enthusiastic support of Kurds for a joint candidate without hints of this kind and perhaps more. A programme whose sole aim is ditching Erdoğan may not enthuse the Kurdish citizenry sufficiently to get 51 per cent
“JAILED KURDISH POLITICIANS SHOULD BE RELEASED”
Never mind earlier, from the founding of the republic until today, it has been sought to suppress the exercising of Kurds’ human rights through prohibitions and massacres. In return, Kurds have not abandoned their struggles for their demands. What, in this context, should initially be done with resolution of the Kurdish issue in mind or what can be done to start taking steps to resolve the issue?
This business has been discussed at length. Everyone knows more or less what has to be done. However, if there is a need to speak specifically with reference to the prevailing circumstances, it is clear what needs to be done with priority: the release and return to their posts of Kurdish politicians who have been jailed or dismissed from their positions following 2016, finding a means for reconciliation in some manner with the Syrian Kurds, etc.
However, a more central issue for the upcoming period appears to be the acceptance of Kurdish as a language of education. Kurdish and Kurdish being made a language of education seems to be a minimum demand for ever more Kurds. But, more importantly than this, this demand appears to have gained even greater legitimacy at the institutional level. The CHP, DEVA and Future Parties all appear to have positioned themselves more liberally than before on Kurdish. As such, all that has been spoken of before will surely be raised once more in one way or another. However, it appears that the focus of any negotiations and talks, if these are to transpire in the Kurdish issue, will shift from the matter of autonomy to the matter of Kurdish. (EVRENSEL DAILY)
(Translated by Tim DRAYTON)